LA CUESTION CRIMINAL ZAFFARONI PDF

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Search the history of over billion web pages on the Internet. Part I ” See other formats U. Materials from foreign-language sources are translated; those from English-language sources are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and other characteristics retained.

Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets [] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text] or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was processed.

Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are enclosed in parentheses. Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an item originate with the source. Times within items are as given by source. Government Publications issued by the Superintendent of Documents, U. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. Sponsoring Organization Name and Address As above Type of Report 8c Period Covered This report contains two main parts: Key Words and Document Analysis.

Security Class This Report Cuba, Focus of Continental Subversion. Guerrilla Warfare, a Tactical Tool. Struggle on the Masses Front. In their pages parade the main criminal acts that shook Uruguay and world public opinion. The conclusions drawn provide a clear evaluation of the meaning of Uruguayan subversion as a phase not yet clearly defined In the overall and most ambitious aspirations of the contemporary revolutionary war waged on a world-wide scale by the enemies of peace and freedom.

Pondered and sober, this book is a warning to all free people, and its reading is particularly indicated for those who have not yet abdicated the most important right of the human being: The reader, regardless of his language or the place he lives, will find the most complete explanation on the Tupamaro guerrillas and the best proof of the spiritual strength and hope that people can draw from democratic institutions.

However, even today, instead of gaining ground, the truth remains hidden, offering a distorted view, particularly on the international scene, in which a not always truthful and sometimes decidedly false, information has been provided.

This work attempts to show the naked truth for the real evaluation of events throughout a vast cycle–not yet concluded–which ranges from the origins of the movement in the early years of the decade of the 6o’s to the present.

The main source of information were the rebels themselves because of what their doc ume nts are and what they say. These were seized in many operations, and. It is the testimony of subversion itself which is permanently present in the pages of this work.

They are the words of the insurgents, their ideas, opinions, evaluations, contained in them. This book is divided into two parts. The revolutionary theoreticians of the entire world are still asking themselves today how the Uruguayan insurrection could be overcome so easily in when in that era it was already a double power with a military apparatus of several thousand combatants, a clandestine organization of 10, members, and a strategic-political leadership that had aroused admiration because of the audacity and precision of its terrorist activities.

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Without being affected by the worn-out explanation of the insurrectionists and their vast foreign chorus, which reduced the defeat to the loss of a battle in terms of certain tactical errors and the alleged terror of military repression, the present study reveals to the people, with names and surnames, the motivations and the threads of the plot that was woven behind their backs from the beginning of the decade of the 6o’s, delving deep into an analysis of the causes, procedures and purposes of the insurrection itself.

Abusing its freedom and tolerance, a small number of fanatics, adventurers, and criminals, tried to destroy the political stability and the economic. In a painful experience, that at any other time or place may be duplicated, and which for that very reason is worth knowing, the seditious aggression undergone by Uruguay must serve as an example and warning to all those who believe that the basis for every possible coexistence continues to be the right of each nation to build its own destiny by itself and to do it freely.

A country of deep democratic convictions, Uruguay believes in the genuinely human values on which its institutions are based. It firmly maintains its unvarying zeal for peaceful and rapid development in keeping with the rate of the times the world is living in. There are no racial problems or separation of social groups in Uruguay. The foregoing is so uncontradictable that the extremists themselves had to acknowledge in their documents that the subjective conditions required for accomplishing a revolutionary action did not exist in the country.

The formula followed is not national but imported from Marxism, it being administered and systematized in the Havana conferences called the “Tricontinental” and the “LA. That is the scheme that was followed to the letter by the Uruguayan seditious organizations, particularly the MLN-T, with the negative results that are well known.

The conditions that were lacking, but which the struggle would cause to germinate, actually did not appear; the people, particularly the lower economic classes, far from responding to the call to armed struggle, became its most determined and tenacious enemy, contrary to what had been foreseen by extremist theoreticians.

They only managed to establish the most adverse conditions for the attainment of the goals they said they maintained; in short, “the revolution” crystallized but merely as a programmatic aspiration lacking any substantial content and popular support, in the restricted ambient of refined intellectual and university circles instilled with a sick aristocra- ticism, the product of frustration, resentment and lack of any interest in freedom.

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The electoral results showed the feelings of the Uruguayan people, who voted massively for the traditional parties. The grouping of all the leftist sectors and parties into a united front, the “Broad Front”5 barely managed to obtain the votes that those parties had obtained individually in previous elections. However, it would be wrong to infer from that expression of support for that political conglomerate acquired publicly by the extremist groups, that each and every one of their voters shared the idea of armed struggle sustained by those groups.

From the resolutions and agreements reached on an international level that inspired subversion in Uruguay, as much as from the documents seized from the extremist groups, and from various records and reports coming from other Latin American countries, two fundamental conclusions are drawn: Actually, without regard to the common Marxist affinity and distinctive politico- ideological shadings, four main well-defined trends are noted in the Uruguayan extremist groups: In their “Interrogation Manual”, for example, they constantly repeat the need never to “betray even at the cost of one’s life.

The basis for these repeated successes, as the movement began to lose strength, resided exactly on the propensity of its members to inform, with every-growing fluency, on the activities of the other members of the organization. The “mystique of silence,” to which the organization referred in its documents, was broken.

Of course such events should be explained in some way and it was then that the insurrectionists orchestrated a campaign of lies aimed at picturing the FC as having obtained information through “torture,” which was widely commented on subsequently by the international press with a complete lack of truth.

Of that campaign, conceived and executed pursuant to the modern principles of psychological- political warfare, there is abundant documentation, opportunely published to alert the population on its divisive purposes?.

Real tortures, on the other hand, were those applied to those kidnapped and maintained under incredible subhuman conditions in the so-called “people’s jails.

Murders and wholesale slaughter were likewise committed by the terrorists against agents of public order, police officials and members of the armed forces for no other reason or justification than that they were doing their duty in defense of the institutions and the law. Torture and sadism were also the cowardly murders of Dan A.

These execrable crimes confirmed the homicidal coldness and lack of all human feelings of the members of the terrorist group. The latter revealed the emptiness of their slogans as self- proclaimed redeemers of the workers and peasants. But it also showed that it was only fear, inadmissible in true revolutionaries, that was the driving force which made their criminal instincts flourish every time that their own safety was in danger, with the most absolute contempt for the life of their brothers.

Fear, hate and evil are the essential elements of the resentment the MLN-T had against the man of the society he intended to ruin.

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The list of defense attorneys for those arrested for sedition consists of a score, and among them are members of the MLN-T, several persons more directly or indirectly implicated in subversion, and some others, who without any well-known records that allow including them in these categories, placed their science and professional expertise at the service of the insurrectionists for one reason or another.

The government adhered so closely to legal rules that it had to ask Parliament repeatedly for the passage of a special legislation to safeguard public order in order to counteract the ineffectiveness of legal methods, which, with a pristine legal innocence, protected terrorist activities without safeguards or security of any kind for public peace, freedom and the rights of the population. Contrasting with the procedures of exaggerated liberalism and even leniency of ordinary justice, there appeared the tortuous principles of the so-called “Tupamaro penal codq,” which established the death penalty, and delegated authority to any insurrectionist to carry it out.

Recently, in view of pressures from sympathizers and criticisms from general opinion, the terrorist group published its “program of government,” on the occasions of the elections that were to be held at the end of November Many of them were either already national realities or were included in the platforms of the traditional parties.

If it is examined through one of the elementary indexes of evaluation of the economic and social condition of a country, as for example the status of nutrition of the people, it turns out that in Uruguay replaced New Zealand in first place in the entire world as the consumer of red meat, a standing, which of course is a vital reflection of the nutritional potential of a nation. The opening of this second front, through actions to be carried out outside the cities, had in mind the purpose of dividing the small forces assigned to antisubversive struggle.

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Confirming this statement, the extremist group states in one of its documents: The low density of population in the interior allows the deployment of contingents without being noticed. The repressive level of the FC is very low because of its great dispersion throughout national territory. The apparent “vacuum” of the Uruguayan rural area is not really that to the people of the interior, who are accustomed to noting any movement at great distances, which allowed them to easily see who and how many persons come and go, and from whence they come.

As far as the possible complicity of the rural laborers in actions, it turned out in the reverse, since they collaborated spontaneously and actively with the Combined Forces, being an auxiliary element of the first order to such an extent that on more than one opportunity they had to pay with their lives for refusing to support the insurrection. Their evaluation as to the small number of repressive forces was exact, but the error was made in not having correctly estimated the degree of their effectiveness, and their support and loyalty for juridico-political rules they promised to defend and to the armed institution to which they belonged and served devotedly.

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In general, the estimates and plans of the seditious movement, based on the presumed characteristics and conditions of the armed forces, were notoriously. It is true, that always devoted to their traditional activities, they lacked the political training and initial aptitude for antisubversive struggle.

It is also true that at the beginning they lacked proper intelligence services zavfaroni personnel and that they also lacked an initial motivation for consecrating themselves to an activity up to then considered as being a police function.

This means that in zaffaronl pipe 50 centimeters in diameter, among waste water, urine and excrement, a man in the pay of repression cannot work, but a Tupamaro, a revolutionary can It is this type of intransigently dogmatic conviction, blind and unchanging, rooted in the faith of the enlightened, who believe they have all reason and truth on their side, which they automatically do not recognize for the rest and deny to them, that fill the documents of the MLN-T.

In September the guerrillas in the interior of the country had been completely crushed and in the city they had seen contained to increasingly reduced and private expression of any initiatives.

It is also of interest to make some observations with crijinal to what subversion euphemistically calls “mass action front”. From the beginning the seditious movement sought to attract the “masses” and “sink its hooks into them.

Infiltrating the cueestion, student and zafaroni movements, they were able to mobilize the people around their alleged revolutionary ideals. As far as the students were concerned, they sought to create the human material capable of rigidly cuestiom the instructions of destruction and hate of the organization crjminal the intellectual and emotional malleability of the young.

The creation of sacrificial “victims” of student and popular reaction was coldly and carefully prepared. Moreover, such resistance was foreseeable because the movement was mainly formed and led by an aristocratic minority in the recruiting of its members, and in large percentage made up of members of wealthy and middle and upper class families. The inner circles of the intimate life of the organization–which in its zeal for originality even produced a special method of seditious love, “tupamor”–revealed a sordid, repugnant picture of vileness, disloyalties, felonies and immoralities, which we deliberately omit so as not to lower the level of this analysis or enter into disgusting individualizations.

At this period of the struggle waged by the FC against subversion, it is necessary to call a halt and make an objective examination of the seditious phenomenon and provide those who desire them with the facts so that they may evaluate its true significance, particularly international public opinion, which is lacking any strictly true and impartial information.

Denigrating descriptions and diatribes are far from the seriousness with which information should be handled. Upon crominal these reflexions, there arises a question: Did the ends declared in their proclamations and documents, which the extremist organizations said they pursued, justify all the harm caused to the country and the people?

The program of the seditious organization contains goals already attained years ago in Uruguay, cuestino which were contained in the plans of national traditional parties, and other propositions that are not even admissible in the countries with the system of government which the extremists say they are imitating. Every living being–and the nation is a living being–must, if it wishes to survive, cuuestion itself against everything that may harm it, from within as zaffaronni as from abroad.

It is an illusion to believe that there can be a providential situation that will guarantee that the social body can never become ill. Neither physical nor moral persons can have the luck of such a miraculous immunity. The most serious threat against the body of the nation is the danger of intrusion of foreign ideologies into the minds of the people, ideologies that based on the power, be it mental or economic, of its followers, attempts to facilitate and justify the total destruction of that which exists as the price for a utopian tomorrow that is never well-defined.

The people must then assume the responsibility of their own defense and unmask and destroy the many forms of such types of aggressions. They paid a heartfelt tribute to the dead, applauded the calm determination of the authorities, supported the FC in its silent task of defending Uruguayan society and definitively eradicating subversion. When barely a month later, the following l8th of May–Armed Forces Day–four humble soldiers fell riddled with bullets, killed by seditious hate, the military organizations and all their members felt galvanized by the irrevocable determination of putting an end to the terrorist bands which for years had been decimating the people of Artigas and besmirching their purest traditions.

And to the rest of the countries of the continent and other latitudes, that in the pain undergone by Uruguay they will know of its sorrows and doubts, and through the sad truth documented in this book, they will remember that because of the intercontinental and universal nature of the aggression, the misfortune that saddened the Oriental Republic of Uruguay could perhaps strike their borders or try to bloody its own once more in a tomorrow that no one wants or expects, but which it would be imprudent to treat lightly.

Communism and Subversion 1. Communism, source of world subversion. Role of Soviet Communism.